Daniel De Leon

Antisemitism and racism

Modern political antisemitism consists in damning the very existence of the Israeli state (however modified) as inescapably racist and imperialist, and thus damning all Jews who fail to renounce all connection to or sympathy with Israel (however critical) as agents of racism and imperialism. More traditional racial antisemitism consists in damning Jews, as a hereditary supposed "race", as constitutionally malevolent and disruptive.

There is no Chinese wall between these forms of antisemitism, or indeed between either of them and other forms of antisemitism in history (Christian, reactionary anti-capitalist, etc.) However, there are distinctions, and to understand those distinctions is important if we are to convince left-minded people influenced by strands of antisemitism rather than only cursing them.

I adduce five reasons for distinguishing between political antisemitism and racial antisemitism.

1. The term "racism" has acquired a diffuse width of meaning, and at the same time come to be cognate with crimes and immoralities rather than with erroneous (or hurtfully erroneous) ideologies. When we are arguing with people who have strands or traits in their thinking of political antisemitism, but who (by their own lights) abhor racial antisemitism, to call them "racist" cuts short the argument. It conveys to them that we do not wish to dispute political ideas with them, but instead to brand them as criminal.

2. Antisemitism is much older than racism. It is possible, of course, to stretch the term racism by back-defining it to cover many phenomena from centuries before the term existed. But to do that blurs rather than clarifies. In particular, it blurs the ways in which antisemitism operates quite differently from general racism (or, if you insist on putting it that way, from other racism).

3. It is indeed, as Camila points out, disorienting to identify racism exclusively or overwhelmingly as an offshoot of European colonialism. But it is equally disorienting to identify it as a characteristic offshoot of nationalism, presumably of irredentist and revanchist Arab nationalism. Political antisemitism has a dynamic different from both nationalism and racism.

4. Being Jewish does not license antisemitic views, any more than being a woman licenses hostility to feminist demands. But the high-profile Jewish political antisemites are clearly not "self-hating Jews", either.

5. If we abandon the distinction between political antisemitism and racism, then that makes us no longer able to point out and denounce where people drift over the line. But they do.

***

1. The widening of the use of the term "racism"

The word "racism" (and its synonym "racialism", more common until the early 1970s) has an odd history.

Xenophobia in various forms is old. The systematic division of humankind into races, and desire to promote or defend one "race" (the vast majority of whose other members are utterly remote to you) against another, is relatively new.

There were "black" Roman emperors. <a href="http://bit.ly/a-medici">Alessandro de Medici</a>was "black".

With the development of capitalism, and the consequent decay of social classifications which consigned categories of people to helotry from birth, like serfdom, racist ideologies emerged as rationalisations for defining "alien" hereditary groups of people (such as dark-skinned people) as excluded from the full human rights now being claimed by others. The heyday of doctrines which sought to consolidate such rationalisations as "science" was from the late 18th century through to the late 19th century.

In the early 20th century, when the world was dominated by European colonial imperialism, "scientific" racism was already much discredited, but looser doctrines had great weight. Karl Kautsky, writing on the question, felt he had to take it as given that there were such things as "races", so as then to show that "in the place of sharply distinct races, unchanged for long periods, we find a constant and increasingly rapid process of race disintegration... natural scientists are by no means agreed on the division of human races, but are obliged to admit that everything is in a state of flux... there is nothing more absurd than the theory of the 'natural' hostility between races".

Yet the words "racist" or "racialist" were rarely used. The left conducted its battles against racism without using the word. Trotsky, for example, used the word "racist" only to denote ideologues with strange theories about the merits of the Slav "race": "This... completely finishes off not only the old philosophy of the Slavophiles, but also the latest revelations of the 'Racists'."

The word "racism" came into wider use from the 1930s, as more and more people (including many themselves tainted by "racial" prejudice) expressed horror at the "racial" doctrines of the Nazis.

Its use remained fairly steady until about 1960, and then, in the aftermath of the winning of independence of most of the European colonies, increased enormously. It increased hugely yet again from the early 1980s, before levelling off around 2000. I take that second surge to reflect the ascent of neoliberalism, under which (as our comrade Danny Reilly showed in articles in the mid 1970s) governments combined drives against racial discrimination within their own countries (reckoned to cause friction and waste of resources) with restrictive immigration policies, racist by implication but not explicitly.

The anti-racist drive of neoliberalism has gone with the grain of many efforts from labour movements and the left, and has had successes. Overt racial discrimination, almost everywhere, is not a question of dispute, but a crime. Even far-rightists today insist vehemently that they are not racists.

The use of the term "racism" has widened. Today it has come to mean, not just discrimination, hostility, or subjugation on the pretext of explicit theories about biological "race", but a wider range of disadvantaging. It can include "inadvertent" racism or "institutional" racism.

This widening is a good thing. It means that a wider range of discriminatory or divisive practices get examined and criticised.

It can, however, be abused, by branding critical discourse about ideas and cultures as "racist". A section of the left has defended its complaisance towards political Islam by claiming that any other attitude is "racist". Thus in 2013 we had people on Facebook branding us "racist" because of rough comments on political Islam. This year we had Socialist Worker denouncing the "Council of Ex-Muslims" (people "racially" similar to still-Muslims) as "racists" because they joined the Pride march with provocative anti-Islamic placards.

Elsewhere, speedy resort to the label "racist" often serves to close arguments and replace them by exchanges of abuse, rather than to sharpen and clarify them.

The two SWP-linked groups in Australia, Solidarity and Socialist Alternative, differ on the question of "457 visas", visas for certain categories of migrant temporary contract workers. S Alt stresses opposition to 457 visas, in a way that sometimes must come across as suggesting the expulsion of 457-visa workers. Solidarity stresses trade-union organising of 457-visa workers.

Usually the two groups interact only by each trying to scandalise the other with allegations of bad behaviour. A few years they held a more-or-less reasonable debate on the issue. However, the gist of it was each group trying to brand the other's position as "racist". There were substantive argument underneath the trying-to-brand, but the trying-to-brand blurred it rather than sharpening it.

It is surely arguable that pushing for British exit from the EU, when it is known that the chief (and desired) result of exit is to block free migration from Eastern Europe, has racist implications against East-European peoples

However, to denounce pro-Brexit positions flatly as "racism", or pro-Brexit people as "racist", is to widen the use of the terms in a counterproductive way. The pro-Brexit people will see the denouncers not as attempting to have a (maybe heated) argument with them, but rather as accusing them of a crime.

Those who think that free movement from Eastern Europe will bring "too many" people here, undercutting wages, overstretching housing and other social provision, are wrong. You can tease through implications from their argument which are "racist" in terms of ranking Poles or Romanians lower than British-born people. But often, in fact usually, they are really not "racist" in terms of considering Poles or Romanians to be "races" which are by heredity less deserving of rights than others.

Most left-wing people with political antisemitic views do not at all consider Jewish people to be a "race" which is by heredity less deserving of rights than others. They are sincerely shocked by the idea.

The term "racist" has become a loose one, with a wide range of meanings. In principle it could be extended to cover political antisemitism, too. But the extension would blur rather than sharpen debate.

Much better to say to those with political antisemitic views: yes, of course, I know you abhor racist antisemitism as much as anyone. I know you think your views are only a political opposition to a sort of politics, Zionism, and a state with that sort of politics.

But think about this. There is something special about your political opposition to what you call "Zionism" - a quality different from that of your political opposition to neoliberalism, or radical feminism, or whatever - and that "something special" has implications which may make you want to reconsider...

2. Antisemitism operates differently from racism

Antisemitism is much older than racism. For most of its history, antisemitism - Muslim, and, much worse, Christian - stigmatised and disadvantaged Jews not as a "race" but as a religious grouping. Jews could and did escape the stigma and disadvantage by converting to Islam or Christianity.

19th century antisemitism built on Christian antisemitism, but gave it a twist, identifying Jews with hated aspects of capitalism. Modern political antisemitism, derived from the Stalinist campaign of the late 40s and early 50s, continues that reactionary anti-capitalist strand, combining it now with a reactionary ant-imperialist strand which identifies Israel as the world's hyper-imperialism.

Thus antisemitism operates differently from racism - or from other racism, if you prefer.

<a href="http://www.workersliberty.org/files/100205postone.pdf">Moishe Postone</a> explains: "The way in which anti-semitism is distinguished, and should be distinguished, from racism, has to do with the sort of imaginary of power, attributed to the Jews, Zionism, and Israel, which is at the heart of anti-semitism. The Jews are seen as constituting an immensely powerful, abstract, intangible global form of power that dominates the world. There is nothing similar to this idea at the heart of other forms of racism... Anti-semitism is a primitive critique of the world, of capitalist modernity. The reason I regard it as being particularly dangerous for the left is precisely because anti-semitism has a pseudo-emancipatory dimension that other forms of racism rarely have".

3. Racism, nationalism and antisemitism

In "The Wretched of the Earth", Frantz Fanon wrote about the Ivory Coast:

"If the national bourgeoisie goes into competition with the Europeans, the artisans and craftsmen start a fight against non-national Africans. In the Ivory Coast, the anti-Dahoman and the anti-Voltaic troubles are in fact racial riots. The Dahoman and Voltaic peoples, who control the greater part of the petty trade, are, once independence is declared, the object of hostile manifestations on the part of the people of Ivory Coast. From nationalism we have passed to ultra-nationalism, to chauvinism, and finally racism".

Camila is right: racism is not only an expression and legacy of imperialist exploitation, and not only white-against-black. As Fanon describes, rancid nationalism and communalism can flow over into racism, and it can take markers other than skin colour to tag the group to be denied equal rights.

To see the Israeli-Arab conflict as one of "white" against "black", and thus surely racist on the Israeli side, is analytically wrong (even apart from the fact that a large section of Israeli Jews are of Asian and African origin, and often dark-skinned, while many Arabs are by world standard light-skinned).

Our website carries a report of a Labour left meeting in 1990 where a speaker denouncing antisemitism gave as one of her arguments that antisemitism would lead to <a href="http://www.workersliberty.org/node/27186">"more Jews going to Palestine where they will oppress our 'black comrades', the Palestinian Arabs"</a>.

However, it does not follow that antisemitism is mainly, or in large part, a product of intensified Arab nationalism, or vicarious Arab nationalism.

Among most people with political antisemitic ideas, sympathy for the Palestinians is a rather secondary or subsidiary thing compared to their hostility to Israel. They scarcely deny that Israeli withdrawal from the Occupied Territories and the creation of a really independent and viable Palestinian state would improve things. They denounce "two states", not because they think it would deflect a better outcome for the Palestinians which would otherwise soon be likely, but because they think a "two states" policy expresses not enough hostility to Israel. They are indifferent to the argument that insisting on a "maximalist" outcome (all of Palestine in an Arab state) is not only undesirable, but cuts against any short-term redress for the Palestinians.

Slogans and placards carried on demonstrations by people with political antisemitic ideas, or circulated by them on social media, are much more often anti-Israeli than pro-Palestinian.

And that is logical. Embedded in their political antisemitism - at one level of awareness or another - is the idea that Israel not only treats the Palestinians badly, but is the acme of capitalist and imperialist evil worldwide.

More generally, although nationalism can drift over into racism, it is generically distinct. Ardent nationalists may not be racists, and ardent racists may not be especially nationalist.

In his "Imagined Communities", Benedict Anderson traces the origin of nationalism as a democratic and (on the whole, and by the standards of the time) liberal impulse in Spanish-ruled America in the early 19th century. "The dreams of racism actually have their origin in ideologies of <em>class</em>, rather than in those of nation". The "official nationalism" of European powers in the late 19th century was coloured with racism, but "'official nationalism' - willed merger of nation and dynastic empire... developed <em>after</em>, and <em>in reaction to</em>, the popular national movements proliferating in Europe since the 1820s.

Even today, nationalism is not in lockstep with racism. Australian nationalism, for example, which seemed to be deeply decayed in the 1980s, has revived markedly since then, partly as a result of official promotion. The revival has had bad effects on the labour movement. Yet, so far as can be estimated, racism has declined, especially among young people. For example, large and stable majorities agree that <a href="http://bit.ly/aus-imm">"accepting immigrants from many different countries makes Australia stronger"</a>.

Political antisemitism is distinct from vehement nationalism, and vehement nationalism is distinct from racism.

4. Jewish "absolute anti-Zionists"

Some activists are both vehement absolute anti-Zionists (with the consequent political-antisemitic implications) and very anxious to proclaim themselves Jewish. They are fairly few in absolute terms but numerous enough to be a significant factor within the left.

They cannot be explained by the traditional trope of "the self-hating Jew": if they think about a Jewish "race" at all (and probably most of them would dismiss the whole concept of "race"), then visibly they feel no shame or discomfort about being part of that "race".

Nor are they like, say, black conservatives, who, having gained for themselves personally favoured positions in existing society, then express contempt and hostility towards battles for equal rights by other black people.

They feel shame and discomfort about Israel's real misdeeds, and more acutely so because they consider themselves Jewish. They have picked up some of the ideas current on the left about Israel as the acme of capitalism and imperialism.

And then "absolute anti-Zionism" has seemed to them to square the circle. They can be radically hostile to Israel, and tell themselves that this is only hostility to a particular political strand of Jewish opinion.

This seems to me more like the <a href="http://bit.ly/anti-d">"anti-deutsche"</a&gt; in Germany, leftists who denounce Germany as such, than racism.

There is a difference. Germans face no danger of systematic persecution, as Germans, anywhere in the world. Jews do. But that doesn't make the Jewish people swayed by "absolute anti-Zionist" ideas into racists.

5. Recognising the borders in order to be able to identify and denounce drift across them

Some comrades have argued that in recent years the sections in the Labour left (for example) influenced by left political antisemitism have drifted so that now many of their attitudes are much closer to "old-fashioned" antisemitism. This may be true. There are no Chinese walls between the different forms of antisemitism. If it is true, it is an important development.

That gives a reason for maintaining the conceptual distinction between left political antisemitism and racist antisemitism. If the distinction is kept, then overlap and drift between one form and another can be discerned. If the distinction is abandoned, then they can't be discerned: all is racism, racism is all, and there are no more distinctions than there are shadows in a dark night.

Martin Thomas

Marxist Theory and History
Issues and Campaigns

Add new comment

A socialist who grew with the movement

Ernie Lane was an active fighter for revolutionary socialist politics - as he understood them, in different ways over the years - in Brisbane, Australia, from the late 1880s through to 1954, a model of persistence and tenacity though not always of acuity. Jeff Rickertt, author of a recently-published biography of Ernie, The Conscientious Communist, talked with Solidarity about Ernie and about the book. I was interested in pre-Bolshevik socialism in Australia, and even the better books written about that don't have much in them about Queensland. Another reason for writing about Ernie was his...

Connolly, the USA, and the Wobblies

In June 1905, the American workers’ movement took a huge leap forward, with the establishment of the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) in Chicago. Its roots lay in the militancy of mine workers in the mid-western states, where for a decade the Western Federation of Miners had been fighting intense class battles with the employers, uniting skilled and unskilled workers and relying on workers’ own strength and solidarity to defeat the bosses. The need for an organisation like the IWW (known commonly as the “Wobblies”), emphasising class struggle and solidarity, and organising the unorganised...

Connolly, Millerand, and De Leon

In 1900, the Irish Socialist Republican Party (ISRP) scored a victory when the Paris Congress of the Second International recognised its delegates, E.W. Stewart and Tom Lyng, as representing a separate national group from the British socialist organisations. Amongst the delegates supporting this stance — against the British SDF — were those from Daniel De Leon’s American Socialist Labour Party (SLP), whose struggle against reformism and opportunism in the socialist movement was admired by the Irish socialists. One major issue of controversy at the 1900 conference was the decision in 1899 by...

The life and politics of James Connolly

Michael Johnson's series on the life and politics of James Connolly has been serialised in Solidarity. All of the editions of the series so far are listed below: How Connolly became a socialist Uniting the Dublin socialists James Connolly: Home Rule and the Gaelic Revival James Connolly, Irish nationalism and the socialist republic Connolly, Millerand, and De Leon Connolly, the USA, and the Wobblies Connolly, the rise of Irish labour and Home Rule Connolly and the Dublin lockout Connolly and the Unionists Connolly and the Irish labour movement Connolly and the First World War Connolly and the...

Turin, Gramsci, and Italy’s “red years”

At Ideas for Freedom 2015, 2-5 July at Birkbeck College, London, Becky Crocker and Martin Thomas will run a workshop on the events in Turin and in the rest of Italy between 1919-20. Here Martin Thomas explains some of that history. The red years: 1919-20 I The Russian workers’ revolution of October 1917 and the end of World War 1 in November 1918 were followed by a wave of economic turmoil and working-class radicalisation across Europe, and especially in Italy. Strikes, many of them victorious, surged in early 1919. The Italian Socialist Party (PSI) was led by declared revolutionaries, known...

Two Pages From Roman History: Lecture 2, part 2

Lecture 1: Plebs leaders and labor leaders. Part 1. -- --. Part 2 Lecture 2. The Warning of the Gracchi. Part 1. -- --. Part 2 The Proletarian Revolution Abhors Forms It was a blunder of the Gracchian Movement to devote time and energy to the changing of the forms of the suffrage. The characteristic weakness of the proletariat renders it prone to lures. It, the least favored of all historic revolutionary classes, is called upon to carry out a revolution that is pivoted upon the most complicated synthesis, and one withal that is easiest to be obscured by the dust that its very foe, the...

Two Pages of Roman History: Lecture 2, Part 1

Lecture 1: Plebs leaders and labor leaders. Part 1. -- --. Part 2 Lecture 2. The Warning of the Gracchi. Part 1. -- --. Part 2 Comrades of Section New York: The purpose of this second page from Roman history, "The Warning of the Gracchi," is in a measure supplementary to the first. The first page, "Plebs Leaders and Labor Leaders," was strategic, this one is tactical. The first pointed out a peculiar danger that threatens the Socialist or Labor Movement from without; this one is to point out an inherent weakness of our forces under fire. As the first was intended for aggression, this one is...

This website uses cookies, you can find out more and set your preferences here.
By continuing to use this website, you agree to our Privacy Policy and Terms & Conditions.