While Belarusian and Russian troops have been staging joint military exercises ("Slavic Brotherhood 2020"), Belarus President Lukashenko's story about the events reveals the undemocratic nature of his regime.
The current wave of protests, claims Lukashenko, is the product of ten years of preparations by the USA and its "satellites" — Poland, Lithuania, the Czech Republic and Ukraine — each of which "has had their own role to play".
"Just as in Syria and Venezuela" attempts were made to undermine the electoral base of the country's leader. Tactics "borrowed from the Arab, Armenian, Polish and Hong Kong protests" were used to create unrest in the country.
Politics was transformed into an entertainment show, in which the role allocated to women as opposition leaders was "exploitation of the female sex, traditionally respected by Belarusians but which now took on a new farcical form."
The day of the presidential elections was "hour X for the attempt to carry out a Maidan Blitzkrieg". The opposition called on voters to take part in "dubious initiatives" and staged "artificial queues" outside polling stations as they closed.
"Foreign co-ordinators" attempted to mobilise Belarusians against the election result, attack the riot police (so that protesters could be portrayed as victims of police violence) and seize government buildings.
Only timely intervention by the security forces prevented an escalation of the protests.
The "puppet-masters" then changed their tactics, transforming protests into displays of "angelic innocence", with flowers and white clothing, while "social media in Warsaw" put "plan B" into operation: the creation of parallel power structures and "sabotage of the economy and the social sphere."
Although Lukashenko remains "ready to meet all challenges", he says he is mooting constitutional "reforms".
Belarus is a presidential republic with all power concentrated in the hands of the President. Lukashenko has suggested a devolution of some powers to provincial governors and Parliament.
But real power would remain in his hands: "It must be remembered that Russia and Belarus are Slavic states, where a strong leader is necessary, a leader who has defined powers. This is where his strength lies."
Powers which the President would retain include "directing the activities of all branches of government, and defence and security, and perhaps powers to make appointments to key positions, and so on."
Lukashenko has also floated the idea of political parties, while denying that there is a demand for them: "Before introducing a party-system we need to create genuine parties. They have not been created. We have not engaged in party-building because there is no demand among people for parties."
In the 2019 parliamentary elections — condemned for fraud and irregularities by election observers — "independents" (i.e. non-independent Lukashenko nominees) won 89 seats, and candidates of political parties 21 seats.
The existing recognised parties include such as the Communist Party of Belarus, which won 11 seats in 2019. It defines the current protests as an attempt to install "contemporary fascism in the sheep's clothing of western pseudo-democracy."
And its paper prints appalling poems in support of Lukashenko:
He's against the West and NATO
And against all foreign masters,
To stop their soldiers coming here
And their boots from marching here.
A monument made of bronze
Will be erected to him one day
To the glory of his deeds through all eternity.
He is — the people's President!
• Belarus diaspora protest against banks linked to Lukashenko regime: Wednesday 23 September, 4:30, West Plaza, Canary Wharf, London