The Left

Submitted by martin on 26 June, 2003 - 10:51

Bolshy supports the Alliance for Workers' Liberty, but the AWL is just one of many socialist groups in Britain. Why is the left so divided? How can it be united? And, in the meantime, how do you choose?
Mike and Faz take the temperature of the British left...

If you decide that you're a socialist and want to join a socialist organisation, one of the first problems you'll encounter is - which one? There are dozens of left groups active in Britain, each with its own separate membership, publications, meetings, campaigns etc. Sometimes these groups cooperate; more often, they maintain an attitude of studied hostility to each other, either denouncing the other groups as traitors to the true cause of socialism or simply pretending they don't exist.

Clearly, from the point of view of effectiveness, this situation is crazy. If there were a single, united socialist party with a membership equivalent to all the existing groups put together (a few thousand), it would not only draw in many currently unaffiliated socialists, but be a lot more effective at attracting young people and new recruits. So why do divisions persist? Is the left like the Judean rebels in Monty Python, more interested in fighting itself than uniting to oppose the common enemy?

That scene in the Life of Brian is very funny, but it doesn't really explain much. After all, the groups which exist today haven't always existed. Most of them originated in splits from or fusions between earlier groups; the last ten, twenty and thirty years have seen the rise and fall of a number of organisations. Previously dominant groups have shrunk radically or even disappeared, while others have grown to take their place. In other words, the situation isn't static - it changes depending on what people do, how well they organise, how successfully they convince other people of their ideas.

Moreover, there have been times when the left has managed to unite. In 1919, inspired by the 1917 Russian (socialist) revolution, a great variety of organisations united to create the Communist Party of Great Britain - which, despite its small size, played a crucial role in the British workers' movement until it was undermined by the Stalinist counter-revolution in Russia.

The wider picture

The example of the early Communist Party is a good one, because it demonstrates how the development of the left is affected by the broader social and political situation. Just as socialist organisations have grown fastest when workers, students and other people become radicalised (by an anti-war movement for instance), what previously seemed like insuperable barriers to unity may be swept away by the pressure of events.

This in turn may help to explain why today's left is so divided. For the last seventy years, since the rise of Stalinism turned the world's communist parties into agents of bureaucratic reaction, genuine socialists who continued to stand in the tradition of the Russian revolution have by and large remained marginalised. In this situation, it has been very easy for disagreements to turn into feuds and splits, spiralling out of control until we have the proliferation of groups that exist today.

Moreover, the weakness and division of the left has sometimes been self-reinforcing. There has been no lack of radicalisation, working-class struggle and even revolutionary situations over the last seven decades - but socialists have almost always been unable to lead these movements to victory. In both the Spanish civil war of 1936-9 and the French general strike of 1968, for instance, the working class overthrew capitalism for a brief period - but radicalised workers looked to the much larger Communist Parties, which used their support to undermine the revolution. Thus even major struggles have not always led to a growth of the genuine left.

Division and democracy

A major political crisis or upsurge in the class struggle may help the left to unite. But historical weakness is not the only reason for division.

There are major disagreements and differences of viewpoint between the various socialist groups in Britain today, but most of them could be accommodated within the framework of a single, democratic party. In an organisation where decisions were taken democratically by an active, informed membership, debate took place openly and the rights of minorities were guaranteed, a reasonable difference of views would be less a problem and more a source of strength. Those who are currently in different groups could, if necessary, organise tendencies and factions within this united socialist organisation.

So why doesn't this happen? For instance, why can't Bolshy and the AWL form a "Workers' Liberty tendency" inside the Socialist Workers' Party? The problem is that the SWP simply isn't democratic. It doesn't decide its policies by open debate and a free vote; its Central Committee is not open and accountable to the members; minorities can't raise their disagreements in the pages of Socialist Worker. We would simply not be allowed to operate as a minority within it. The SWP is particularly bad in this respect, but the same is true of almost every socialist organisation active in Britain today - the AWL being the notable exception. Such undemocratic internal arrangements prevent the unification of the left in two ways.

Firstly, they create a political culture in which serious disagreements are not containable within one organisation. Whatever the issue, when minorities are not free to dissent and attempt to win the majority over to their position, and therefore face a choice between shutting up and getting out, splits are virtually inevitable. (Several of the socialist organisations that exist today, for instance, were at one time part of the SWP - sadly, most of them have not learnt the lesson of how important democracy is.) Secondly, lack of democracy creates, at the top of even small organisations, an elitist leadership more concerned with its own interests than those of the left or working class as a whole. Such people want to remain "big fish in their small pond"; they fear the openness, accountability and searching political debate that a united left would make possible.

Just as real discussion is necessary for genuine agreement, so democracy will be absolutely essential in uniting the left.

How do you decide?

There are many hopeful signs. The last year has seen not only hundreds of thousands protesting against war on Iraq, but the working-class movement beginning to fight back against the new Labour government. At the same time, different left groups and unaffiliated socialists have begun to work together more, not only in campaigns like No Sweat, but through the Socialist Alliance. This Alliance has many problems, but it is still a big step forward from the isolation and hostility that went before.

At the same time, the various left groups still exist - although most of them have joined the SA, actual unity is still a long way off. In this situation, it would be tempting to throw up your hands, declare all the groups as bad as each other and either join the SA as an individual or just give up on socialist organisations all together. But this would be a mistake.

Analogies are always a bit ropy, but consider this one. If you wanted to buy a car (or a TV, or whatever) you wouldn't be put off by the sheer variety of models available. You would try to find out as much as possible about the different makes, weigh up the information available and buy the one you liked most. Likewise with the left: you should find out as much as you can about the different groups, read their publications, go to their meetings, talk to their members - and decide which one you want to join.

On Iraq, Palestine, globalisation, the Labour Party and a host of other issues, different groups have very different positions. During the recent war, for instance, most people in the AWL thought we should combine our opposition to Bush and Blair with support for the Iraqi workers against Saddam Hussein's dictatorship; most other groups argued that the left should simply oppose the war. Clearly this was a very important disagreement. You don't have to be an expert on everything in order to join a group, but it is always helpful to find out more about the issues.

Workers' Liberty

Of course, Bolshy is not neutral on this question - as you've probably guessed, we think you should join the AWL! We think this not only because it is right on this or that issue, but because it is open and democratic, with its members debating and deciding what its policy is. Where many other organisations see themselves as the future party in miniature, which will grow by ones and twos until it becomes a mass organisation, we understand that the creation of a real socialist party will require the unification of not only small left groups, but bigger sections of the workers' movement which are currently not socialist at all (eg the trade unions). The AWL has its own members, publications etc - but we also seek to act as a force that promotes unity between the different sections of the left.

Find out more about us - and if you agree, join us!

Comments

Submitted by Anonymous (not verified) on Mon, 04/08/2003 - 20:54

"So why doesn't this happen? For instance, why can't Bolshy and the AWL form a "Workers' Liberty tendency" inside the Socialist Workers' Party? The problem is that the SWP simply isn't democratic. It doesn't decide its policies by open debate and a free vote; its Central Committee is not open and accountable to the members; minorities can't raise their disagreements in the pages of Socialist Worker. We would simply not be allowed to operate as a minority within it. The SWP is particularly bad in this respect, but the same is true of almost every socialist organisation active in Britain today - the AWL being the notable exception"

What rubbish. AWL is just a personality cult around Matgamna and you know it.

Submitted by Anonymous (not verified) on Thu, 14/10/2004 - 10:46

In reply to by Anonymous (not verified)

Why not start up the Socialist Alliance again? But with the aim for it to be a transitory organisation forming into a party like the CPGB suggests. With active and passive support both with vocal rights but with active members having voting rights. Up to three factions but moving as a leninist party. The problem that arises again is that the SWP would scupper things again. So why not let all the left groups sign up like the United Socialists suggest and disolve their old organisations over a period of time.

Submitted by Anonymous (not verified) on Wed, 20/10/2004 - 21:36

In reply to by Anonymous (not verified)

"Why not start up the Socialist Alliance again?"

There are moves to do something like this - the Democratic Socialist Alliance (which was essentially the non-Respect elements of the old SA) was formed at short notice and stood several candidates - very successfully - in the June 2004 council elections. The DSA came out of the Socialist Alliance Democracy Platform, which united the SA left around genuine working-class politics as opposed to the SWP's populism.

There are currently discussions scheduled between the SADP, the Socialist Party and the Alliance for Green Socialism to establish a joint electoral venture for the 2005 elections. This could lead to a new Socialist Alliance, and beyond that, who knows?

"But with the aim for it to be a transitory organisation forming into a party like the CPGB suggests."

The CPGB's conception of the SA becoming a party was always a little odd - they basically believe that the SA should just declare itself a party and then grow by ones and twos until it became a mass organisation.

Personally I think this is wrong-headed. The mass organisation we need is a new party of labour, based on the mass organisations of our class - the trade unions. To achieve this, the socialist left needs a united organisation to argue for this perspective within the labour movement. That's why we *do* need a united socialist party - but one with the clear aim of working for certain perspectives within the labour movement and not just being a sectarian experiment like Scargill's SLP was.

However, this party can only come about through active cooperation coupled with open, democratic debate by the socialist left. A bunch of small group like the AWL or CPGB just getting together and 'announcing' a new party isn't good enough.

I think this is also what's wrong with the United Socialist Party project. First of all, it's undemocratic to demand that political tendencies - developed theoretically and organisationally through years of struggle - should disolve within 12 months just because the USP leadership says so. What's wrong with the SSP or LCR model - where internal tendencies have a clear set of rights and are able to argue for their own politics within the broader organisation without being demanded to dissolve?

I also think that the USP is an ill-concieved and very hasty move; the motiviation behind it is clearly understandable, but the logic of it - simply 'announcing' or 'declaring' a new party and then expecting people to flock to it - is flawed.

The seeds of a new party can be sewn through active cooperation by left groups around such things as elections, coupled with rigorous, democratic debate of our points of difference. As long as this party has a clear set of perspectives - hopefully to fight within the trade unions for moves towards a new party of labour - there's no reason why it can't be successful, but we won't achieve it simply by a handful of left groups getting together and declaring its foundation.

-

Daniel Randall

Submitted by Anonymous (not verified) on Mon, 18/10/2004 - 21:05

Pedants peddling semantics, endlessly debating dead men's scriptures whilst conducting purity checks. Each the holder of the one and only truth. I've learnt alot in these exchanges, and clarified some more, but I don't feel any nearer to the socialist revolution. Informed debate is crucial to a fully functioning democracy, however, sectarian issues divide us and we seem doomed to tumble towards Blair's privatised imperialist oblivion. This is my nightmare.

We're supposed to be revolutionary socialists, not quasi-religious bureaucratic academics. Instead of theoretical altercation we should be agents of working class cohesion. It will be difficult enough to 'win the hearts and minds' of the working class without the complication of idealogical righteousness. The workers have been alternately brainwashed and/or bludgeoned into believing that they must accept their lot in life, or join the aspiring acquiring greedy middle class. Copper-bottomed, cast iron definitions are not necessary, nor is ideological purity. We must defeat the capitalist onslaught, and have the democracy and freedom that Bush and Blair could never even dream of.

Arthur Scargill and the NUM members in the 1984/5 strike were not idealogically pure, but clearly showed the power of working class unity. A little more unity from others, and who knows...? This is also a lesson in political isolation, result crushing defeat, there are only about 5000 NUM members now and trade union legislation is restrictive. It does provide a remembrance of hope though.

I can almost hear my tambourine. It sounds like an appeal to come and join us - maybe that's what I mean, come and join the socialist salvation army! A new workers party.

Now we're left with the same old questions - whose party is it, what does it stand for, what's it called?

Submitted by Anonymous (not verified) on Tue, 19/10/2004 - 14:58

In reply to by Anonymous (not verified)

Marx wrote about Capital but it's up to us to build an effective organisation that workers' can come into. The size of the left is depressing, as i wrote above, the Socialist Alliance is the best hope there is. The Respect coalition is a disapointment. Those interested contact me on www.zeigerwatch@yahoo.com . The Revolutionary left at the moment are in advance of the workers but like the miner's strike, they were in advance. The sectarian left has to be rid of to allow workers in.

Submitted by Anonymous (not verified) on Wed, 20/10/2004 - 15:19

In reply to by Anonymous (not verified)

You have a point, but the left all together
doesn't amount to much. What if the workers don't join?
I believe the workers will be spontaneous.

Submitted by Anonymous (not verified) on Wed, 20/10/2004 - 21:55

In reply to by Anonymous (not verified)

The left is in a dreadful, degenerate state - I agree. Its culture is an obviously sectarian one, for sure. Against the frightening myriad of different left groups, - often passionately denouncing each other - it's easy to say "wouldn't it better if everyone stopped aiming for ideological purity, dropped their differences and just got together? We're all fighting capitalism, after all." Unfortunately, this is neither possible nor desirable.

Differences in politcal opinion exist - this is a fact. No-one can change that overnight. Socialists with a certain political position are going to try and convince socialists with a different position to change their minds. There's nothing at all wrong with this - in fact it's healthy. The question is about the type of culture in which this goes on and the way in which it is conducted.

For example, most of the left press are just propaganda sheets for their respective organisations. They don't give houseroom to critical views or debate from within the organisation. This is one change in culture that is necessary if left unity is to be achieved. A democratic left press in which to openly debate our differences is needed to overcome sectarianism and pointless in-fighting.

It's not a question of 'ideological righteousness,' it's about openly and democratically thrashing out the best way to go forward from where we are now. A party like the French LCR or the SSP in Scotland allows socialists to work together on their significant areas of agreement while providing the democratic space for them to openly debate their points of differences. These parties - despite many criticisms we may have of them - show us that we don't have to simply drop our differences and get together, we need to shift our culture in order to allow us to work together effectively and effectively debate our points of difference.

Bureaucratic, undemocratic attempts at "unity" like the SWP's cross-class Respect Coalition exacerbate, rather than improving, the problem.

On the miners' strike, I think you're confusing unity of the labour movement with unity of left organisations. But the two things are connected - if a united left organisation had existed during the miners' strike, it would have been able to intervene in the NUM and other unions to fight for greater working-class unity and a socialist perspective for the struggle. The role of the left in the 1984/85 struggles - in which the SWP claimed it wasn't significant until months into the strike, and in which the Socialist Party (then called Militant) cocked up the leadership of a key city council in Liverpool - not only shows the need for left unity, but also the need for open and democratic debate to discuss whether these strategies were correct (which history has proved they weren't.)

You're right that we should act as catalysts for working-class unity and help sharpen class conciousness, but that's not all we are. We're Marxists - we have a certain way of analysing the world and a certain set of political ideas based on our Marxism. We must also win workers to this perspective - arguing against the politics of the bourgeoisie but also against the mistaken politics of some left groups where necessary. Keeping our political and theoretical "altercations" with our leftists under wraps helps no-one; it prevents political clarity, making the left a hundred times more ineffective.

Like I said before, Marxist groups don't need to pretend they have no differences with other Marxist groups. They don't need to keep these differences quiet in front of the class. Firm, clear political positions and perspective - "definitions," as you call them - *are* necessary if we are to be effective in political struggles. What we need isn't to drop our differences in position or pretend they don't exist - we need a shift in the culture of the left that allows us to work together while thrashing out our differences in an open and democratic way. Maybe then the Marxist left can begin to act as an effective force within our class.

-

Daniel Randall

Submitted by Anonymous (not verified) on Sat, 23/10/2004 - 16:13

Workers' Liberty

Of course, Bolshy is not neutral on this question - as you've probably guessed, we think you should join the AWL! We think this not only because it is right on this or that issue, but because it is open and democratic, with its members debating and deciding what its policy is. Where many other organisations see themselves as the future party in miniature, which will grow by ones and twos until it becomes a mass organisation, we understand that the creation of a real socialist party will require the unification of not only small left groups, but bigger sections of the workers' movement which are currently not socialist at all (eg the trade unions). The AWL has its own members, publications etc - but we also seek to act as a force that promotes unity between the different sections of the left.
--------------

History says otherwise though doesnt it, the AWL regard themselves as the only true Marxists and the rest of the left as mere centrists. This (and its often apolitical) critique of the rest of the left reflects the fact that the AWL and its forerunners have never been able to unite with other forces on the left with any degree of success, rather than being for genuine unity you have seen fusions or mergers etc as an opportunity to do a job on a rival organisation. You did this in the 1970s with Workers Power and then you did the same thing a few years later with the Thornett Grouping, probably a reflection of Matgamnas early start in the Healyite movement.

Its also the case that despite your 'openness' this has only been allowed as long as the existing leadership doesnt face any real threat , debate as much as you like the AWL is the property of Matgamna, Martin Thomas and one or two of their clones such as Mark Osbourne. A thinking critical and genuinely democratic organisation it is not.

Submitted by Janine on Sat, 23/10/2004 - 16:41

In reply to by Anonymous (not verified)

I have to ask you how many other left groups would allow and publish a comment like this on its website?! Says a lot about how open to debate the AWL actually is (in reality, rather than in your mythology).

Janine

Submitted by Anonymous (not verified) on Sat, 23/10/2004 - 16:53

In reply to by Janine

Not at all, my point stands, whenever an organised minority has existed in the AWL and its forerunners organisational measures have been taken to deal with them. As I said debate and disagree as much as you like, as long as the leadership remains the same and in control which of course it has since the AWL was formed nigh on 35 years ago now.

As for your point that allowing a dissenting remark shows how democratic the AWL is, well quite a few years ago Mark Osbourne sent a letter to Socialist Worker which was more than a tad critical (justifiably so), the fact that they printed it doesnt make the SWP a democratic organisation tho I expect Osbourne was surprised that they did so.

Submitted by Janine on Sat, 23/10/2004 - 17:53

In reply to by Anonymous (not verified)

Printing one critical letter out of god-know-how-many it receives proves very little. My point - which was not intended as a full reply to your comment - was that I am unaware of other left groups' websites routinely publishing comments as hostile as yours. No, that doesn not prove the AWL is thoroughly democratic, it wasn't intended to: it was intended to illustrate it. And to draw attention to the irony that you are using a open debating forum to argue that the AWL does not tolerate open debate.

You are going to have to do a bit better with your assertions. You see, if what you are saying is that the AWL's leadership fights for its politics, then I really don't see the problem with that. And if/when it happens, I am sure it sometimes get a bit unpleasant and not very Oxford Union. On one level, that's life.

But you are suggesting something more - that "organisational measures" (presumably, as against political ones) are taken against minorities. You are going to have to provide some detail. Because so far, you have named some faction fights and unsuccessful fusions, but you haven't illustrated why you attribute blame in the way that you do.

Janine

PS. It would also be nice if you were to introduce yourself.

Submitted by Anonymous (not verified) on Sat, 23/10/2004 - 18:57

In reply to by Janine

First things first, you are completely right printing one critical letter or one critical comment on a forum such as this doesnt prove anything, that was exactly my point Janine, printing a letter from Mark Osbourne or anyone else doesnt make any difference to the nature of the SWP, ergo allowing a dissenting point of view on here doesnt make any difference to the nature of the AWL.

As for the unsuccesful fusions Ive mentioned, they are rather crucial to the point I made, they (every 'attempt' at unity made by the AWL) didnt fail by accident and they arent incidental to the point. In the case of the 1984 expulsions it actually resulted in the loss of a whole layer of leading and experienced former ICLers (Dave Spencer, Mick Woods, Pete Firmin etc etc) who actually politically agreed with Matgamna on a series of key issues but were not prepared to accept organisational measures being used to decide political issues. What was probably the case was that Matgamna et al were simply not prepared to tolerate an organised and (even semi) coherent opposition. My point was that the AWL doesnt fight for its politics if it feel threatened or perceives a potential threat it will deal with it organisationally - hardly uncommon on the left is it. Now of course the AWL fights for its politics on the left generally and in the class struggle but it is and will remain two things, a) intolerant of organised minorities (i.e its use of organisation measures) and b) incapable of growing (Id hazard a guess that the AWL is pretty much the same size it was in 1984). Needless to say these two things are linked.

As for asking me for examples of the AWL and its forerunners using organisational rather than political methods to settle disputes, could you provide examples of the AWL successfully fusing with other forces on the left (of course you cant).

Perhaps just perhaps part of the fault of that lies with the methodology of the AWL, i.e everyone else is a centrist or non marxist or an obstacle to be removed etc rather than a genuine partner for merger?

Submitted by Janine on Sat, 23/10/2004 - 19:29

In reply to by Anonymous (not verified)

We're going to go round in circles here. You assert that the AWL uses organisational methods to suppress internal dissent. I ask for examples. You refuse to provide any, but just repeat your assertion that it's true.

Without you giving examples, I can't see where we can go with this other than a ya-boo-sucks exchange of yes-you-do, no-we-don't variety.

Janine

Submitted by Anonymous (not verified) on Sat, 23/10/2004 - 19:37

In reply to by Janine

Err yes we are going round in circles but are you actually denying that the thornett grouping and workers power (rightly or wrongly) were actually expelled from the AWL and its forerunners?

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